Goldy

Susan Hutchison continues to deny that she’s ever given money to the far-right-wing BIAW, even though PDC records show she’s given $1000.00 to BIAW’s ChangePAC. I guess in Hutchison’s mind, ChangePAC isn’t BIAW because BIAW isn’t mentioned anywhere in the name.

Likewise, I guess, by this same dishonest standard then, BIAW isn’t funding robocalls in support of Hutchison’s campaign for King County executive:

[audio:https://horsesass.org/wp-content/uploads/msg0029.mp3]

Yes, that message is paid for by the Affordable Housing Council, which sounds like an advocacy group with a positive enough agenda, until you learn that it’s really just a PAC for, you guessed it… BIAW.

So see… Hutchison has not given money to BIAW, and BIAW is not spending money in support of Hutchison… you know, per se. And if you believe that, I’ve got a deep bore tunnel to sell you.

UPDATE:
As Steve Zemke reports in the comment thread, this is just one of at least two different robocalls BIAW is busy tying up the lines with this week:

I got another call on Wednesday with a different message that she has been endorsed by Rob McKenna and Wes Uhlman also paid for by the “Affordable Housing Council”. I also received the one you have yesterday.

Also, I’m hearing that the calls are going out countywide, both Eastside and within Seattle.

I’ve got a longer fisking in the works, but I just needed to pause for a moment to call out Susan Hutchison for a particularly infuriating piece of hypocrisy that local righties always seem to get away with:

Paula Hammond, the state transportation secretary and Sound Transit board member, said “I was surprised it (the 520 proposal) came up. I don’t understand it.”

“The voters have decided. It makes it a bit moot.”

Hutchison believes voters were really just approving a general endorsement of extending rail to the Eastside rather than of a specific route.

Get that? According to Hutchison, voters didn’t really know what they were voting on last November when Sound Transit put forth very detailed plans for Eastside rail expansion, so as county executive it would be her prerogative to change the plans as she saw fit.

Now to be fair, I happen to agree that voters often don’t fully understand the ballot measures on which they’re asked to vote, and that many, many such issues would be better decided through a deliberative legislative process rather than a thumbs up or down at the polls. But at least I’m consistent in my cynicism towards so-called direct democracy.

But not so our political and media establishment which almost uniformly stands up for the inviolability of tax-cutting, government-restricting ballot measures like those peddled by Tim Eyman, yet seems almost eager to second guess voters when it comes to their support for actually spending money and other policy priorities.

Car tab slashing initiative I-695? Well yeah, it was unconstitutional, but we better implement it via legislation anyway because that’s what the voters say they want, whatever the consequences. But the teacher pay and class size initiatives? Oh those silly voters… they were so irresponsible in not specifying a revenue source, so we’re pretty much free to suspend those whenever budgets get tight.

The renewable energy initiative overwhelmingly approved at the polls? Voters didn’t really understand the specifics and the consequences we were told, so legislators felt free to try to loosen the terms last session. But I-747’s arbitrary and unreasonable one-percent cap on revenue growth from regular levies? Again, unconstitutional measure, but we better call a special session to reimpose it because, damn, it was the will of the people you know.

Voters reject a baseball stadium, we get a baseball stadium. Voters reject replacing the Viaduct with a tunnel, and local and state leaders get together and compromise on, you guessed it, a tunnel. And hell, then there’s the Monorail. Boondoggle or no, it took five separate ballot measures before voters finally rejected the Monorail, but only that last vote was somehow considered definitive. Yet even dare to question the tax and revenue limits already in place, and an elected official is virtually guaranteed a scathing attack from our state’s opinion leaders, not to mention the usual, bullshitty, angry email-cum-fundraising-scam from our friend Timmy.

Huh?

I mean, if Dow Constantine were to imply voters didn’t understand what they were voting on in approving I-747 (which by the way, failed in King County), just imagine how he would be castigated by Eyman and the Seattle Times ed board for his arrogance. Yet Hutchison implies the same about last year’s excruciatingly deliberated, negotiated, debated and hard fought Sound Transit Phase II expansion — a measure that passed in King County with an extraordinary 63% of the vote — and nobody bats an eyebrow.

What a bunch of fucking hypocrites.

Well you can’t have it both ways. Either a vote of the people is carved in stone by the invisible hand of God, or it isn’t. And since after two years our state constitution gives initiatives the same standing as any other law, I’d say it is clearly the latter.

But either way, popular ballot measures like last year’s Prop 1 simply shouldn’t be abrogated via executive fiat, and any suggestion to the contrary should be roundly greeted with ridicule. It is Hutchison, not the voters, who clearly hasn’t been paying attention when it comes to regional transportation planning, and she desperately needs to be called on the table for her ignorance, if not her arrogance.

Ted Van Dyk is voting for Susan Hutchison, not because she’s qualified to run anything more complicated than Charles Simonyi’s social calendar, but because Van Dyk thinks Dow Constantine is too partisan:

Democrats enjoy a huge registration edge in the county. Constantine, therefore, has based much of his campaign on his long partisan affiliation, in contrast to former TV anchorwoman Susan Hutchison’s uncertain affiliation. (Hutchison says she is a genuine independent who has voted for both Democrats and Republicans and who is endorsed by both Democrats and Republicans). More recently, Constantine’s allies have attacked Hutchison on the basis that she might not be pro-choice.

As the general-election campaign has proceeded, Constantine has diminished himself with his low-politics tactics. (Neither partisan leaning, in a nonpartisan office, nor presumed position on a social issue has anything to do with the duties of the King County executive).

Uh-huh.

But then, I guess such an attitude shouldn’t be surprising, coming from a man who clearly pines for the high-minded bipartisanship of a long lost era, when even a Democratic stalwart like Van Dyk could be counted upon to deliver suitcases full of $100 bills to President Richard Nixon’s private attorney.

[…]

Now that’s what I call bipartisan cooperation.

According to transcripts from the Watergate hearings (yes, the Watergate hearings… Van Dyk’s name comes up surprisingly often in the transcripts), the amount of money funneled to the Nixon administration from this milk industry co-op was closer to $900,000, not the $100,000 originally reported in the New York Times, but who am I to quibble? The point is, according to Van Dyk (who later served as a milk industry lobbyist), bipartisanship is a good thing that always leads to better and less corrupt government than that nasty partisan stuff Constantine practices.

I’m just sayin’….

I’m in a Machiavellian mood today, so as long as I’m giving free advice to Democrats and Democratic constituency groups, I thought I’d offer my own prescription for countering the BIAW and the millions of dollars of workers compensation money they spend each year on right-wing candidates and causes. (You know, like the big bucks they’re investing in Susan Hutchison’s campaign.)

Put Retro reform on the ballot.

Understand, I’m not saying you need to actually pass Retro reform, just put it on the ballot — year after year after year after year — thus forcing BIAW to spend their kitty defending their cash cow.

Preferably, the Democrats in the legislature would have the balls to muster enough votes to put a Retro reform measure before voters, because that essentially costs our side nothing. But for about half a million dollars or so, and a little bit of union organizing, it could easily be done by initiative.

The money it skims from Retro comprises the bulk of the money BIAW spends on political campaigns, thus any year in which BIAW is forced to defend its livelihood is another year in which it is taken out of the game. And following the Eyman model, our side doesn’t have to spend anything pushing the measure. If it fails, we just run it again. If it passes, bye-bye BIAW.

Or, of course, Democrats and their progressive constituency groups can continue doing what we’ve been doing for years, spending millions of dollars annually on the defensive, exhausting our resources fighting right-wing measures in lieu of pushing forward our own agenda.

Doesn’t seem like a very tough choice to me.

Apparently, negotiations have been hot and heavy over a Boeing demand that the Machinists union agree to a no-strike clause, or risk the company moving 787 assembly to South Carolina. But…

… less than a week ahead of a Boeing board meeting to discuss the choice, the labor talks are deadlocked and hindered by distrust on each side, according to a high-level person close to the negotiations.

Really? The Machinists distrust Boeing? Could it have anything to do with the company’s demand that the union give up the only real collective bargaining lever it has?

Anyway, given the tone and tension of the negotiations, here’s my carefully considered recommendation for how to settle this seemingly intractable dispute. The Machinists union should agree to Boeing’s ridiculous demand for a no-strike clause. And then, if as feared, Boeing refuses to negotiate the subsequent contract in good faith, they should strike anyway.

Some might argue that such an approach would be dishonest and disrespectful, but, well, Boeing set the tone for these negotiations, so why should the Machinists treat the company with any more sincerity than the company has treated them?

And besides, this way everybody wins. Boeing executives get to save face and claim victory in beating down the unions, all the while keeping production where economically it makes most sense… the Machinists get to keep their jobs while giving up nothing substantive in return… and in the end, nothing really changes but the bragging rights.

I’d make a helluva diplomat, wouldn’t I?

Susan Hutchison says she supports light rail… but not the one we’re building out to the Eastside, and certainly not the light rail approved by 62 percent of King County voters last November.

In supporting Kemper Freeman’s lawsuit to block Sound Transit’s access to I-90, and in arguing against crossing I-90 but for choosing a 520 route instead, Hutchison is clearly stating her intent to obstruct ST’s efforts to build the line approved by voters. And with the county Executive appointing 10 of the 17 seats on ST’s board, don’t think she can’t do it.

Now I know there are many folks who would prefer a 520 alignment (for example, Darryl commutes from Redmond to the UW, so it would work out great for him), but if wishes were horses beggars would ride and all that… and they certainly wouldn’t be riding the train. I myself would have preferred a South Seattle alignment that went down Rainier AVE, and included a stop at S. Graham ST, but, well, you know, screw me.

The point is, as the transit wonks at Seattle Transit Blog explain in their usual wonky detail, the cross-lake issue has already been studied, debated and deliberated ad infinitum, and no amount of wanting or wishing would make the 520 alignment any more feasible. It would be more expensive, would take longer to build, and would generate less ridership and revenue than the I-90 route. And, the University Link tunnel simply wouldn’t have the capacity to handle all the extra north-south traffic.

But most importantly, moving light rail to a new 520 bridge span would put off construction by years, dramatically raising costs, and potentially killing the project altogether. A project, by the way, that voters overwhelmingly approved, knowing it would cross I-90.

After Sound Transit’s initial birth pains, its early mismanagement and poor projections, the Central Link line nearly died on the drawing board too. And it would have, if not for the willingness of elected officials like Ron Sims, Greg Nickels, Larry Phillips and yes, Dow Constantine to stick their necks out and spend political capital in defense of what many others at the time had already written off as a doomed vision.

Leadership matters, and in speaking out against the I-90 alignment while endorsing the Washington Policy Center’s anti-transit prescriptions and embracing the patronage of racist, anti-light-rail xenophobe Kemper Freeman, Hutchison has clearly signaled her intent to lead the effort in undermining ST’s voter-approved Eastside expansion.

So if you supported last year’s transit measure, and support building rail to the Eastside, vote for Constantine. Otherwise, a vote for Hutchison is clearly a vote to kill East Link, whether she’s willing to come out and say it or not.

Susan Hutchison is on the record as saying light rail to the airport was unnecessary because it’s faster and easier to take a cab, but she isn’t getting much love from the Seattle Taxi Owners Association after falsely claiming during yesterday’s KING-5 debate that she enjoyed the endorsement of taxicab drivers. In fact, they’re downright pissed off.

TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:

Susan Hutchison is a liar.

Ouch. If I were Suzie, I might want to take the train next time I was headed to the airport.

As reported on Open Left, the Congressional Progressive Caucus has tallied at least 210 firm votes in support of a robust public option, just a handful shy of the 218 needed for passage. And in an effort to whip up the votes in anticipation of a caucus meeting tonight, the House leadership has produced a target list of the undecideds.

Surprisingly, two Washington Democrats have found themselves on the undecided list, Rep. Brian Baird (WA-03) and Rep. Rick Larsen (WA-02). Surprising, because polls consistently show a public option enjoying strong support in Washington state and nationwide.

So, assuming Baird and Larsen really are having trouble making up their minds, they sure could use some help from their constituents. Call the Congressional Switchboard at 1-866-220-0044, and ask to speak to your representative, then urge them to support a robust public option if they want your robust support next November.

Again, isn’t it ironic that Darcy Burner is having a greater impact in the health care debate than Dave Reichert.

I guess somebody forgot to tell Apple there’s a recession going on.

Defying the struggling economy and crushing Wall Street’s expectations, Apple delivered its best quarter ever, setting record unit sales of both iPhones and Macs, and producing its largest profit in history: at $1.67 billion, a 46-percent increase over the year ago quarter.

Now to be honest, I’ve long been a bit of an Apple fanboy, and an admirer of CEO Steve Jobs obvious genius. While I’ve developed, published and supported software for both Mac and Windows PCs, and am quite comfortable working in a Windows environment, the Mac has been my platform of choice at home for over two decades, and when given the option, at work as well. And with Apple’s share price now hovering near an all time high, the couple hundred or so shares I own in my IRA comprise my single largest asset outside the equity in my home, and by far my best investment ever. (I bought in October of 2001. You do the math.)

But this post isn’t meant to be one of those partisan Apple vs. Microsoft things, for while I love Apple’s products, and have personally profited from its stunning revival, I fully understand that it is just another amoral corporation, whose primary responsibility is to maximize shareholder value. Rather, I thought I’d use Apple’s earnings report as a springboard for making a brief comment on the likely future of Boeing here in Washington state.

On the back of my beloved iPhone, and I suppose on every other piece of Apple hardware these days, is stamped the pronouncement: “Designed by Apple in California. Assembled in China.” Apple used to proudly tout its state of the art US manufacturing facilities, but shuttered its last major domestic plant in 2004. Nowadays it appears that all of the company’s manufacturing is contracted out to third parties, mostly in Taiwan and China. (Apple is infamously secretive to the point of paranoia, so it’s hard to say for sure.)

Apple sold 3.05 million Macs, 7.4 million iPhones and 10.2 million iPods in the last quarter, and I’m not sure they own and operate a single factory. Yet they still manage to maintain some of the highest margins in the industry.

From a shareholder’s perspective, it’s hard to argue with that kinda success.

Now apply that same sort of logic to Boeing, and you get a pretty good idea of where its local manufacturing jobs may be headed.

Of course, jetliners aren’t mass produced, so it would be wrong to make too direct a comparison, but anybody who thinks a sense of corporate citizenship is going to push Boeing executives to keep manufacturing jobs here in Washington state is smoking crack. Nor should we expect the recent meltdown in Boeing’s outsourcing strategy to dramatically alter the company’s long term manufacturing plans.

Boeing is intent on moving production to where labor is cheapest, be it South Carolina, or ultimately, China. That’s what Boeing executives believe it takes to compete in today’s global market, and that’s what they believe they need to do to maximize shareholder value. And there’s nothing we can do to stop them.

So the question is… are Boeing executives right?

Apple excels at innovation, engineering, industrial design and marketing — some of which Boeing itself hasn’t been too shabby at over recent decades — but apart from a few custom chips and case moldings, Apple’s products are largely assembled from commodity components using standard, if generally cutting edge manufacturing techniques. But when Boeing designs a new airplane, it also designs many of its basic components, sometimes right down to the individual rivet. Meanwhile building an airplane is much more labor intensive, and requires many more specialized skills than, say, assembling an iPhone.

But of course the biggest difference between Apple and Boeing is the acceptable level of quality control. When a Mac crashes, the worst case scenario is you lose a little data. But when an airplane crashes… well, I don’t need to draw you picture.

That said, the possibility of outsourcing components, and possibly even final assembly to low cost contractors, wherever they may be, must be awfully compelling to Boeing, especially considering that this option is not nearly as available to its primary competitor, Airbus.

Think about it. Airbus was conceived and subsidized primarily as a jobs program for its European partners, so with the tens of billions of taxpayer euros invested in the venture, it’s hard to imagine the political will necessary to export these high wage manufacturing jobs to China or anywhere else. Boeing on the other hand is unburdened by such demands, putting it at a distinct competitive advantage should it successfully execute its outsourcing strategy.

That it is, assuming, Boeing’s primary competitor really is Airbus.

Like I said, Apple excels at innovation, engineering, industrial design and marketing, skills its Chinese manufacturing partners have yet to master, but which are absolutely critical to successfully selling consumer products with short product life cycles in a crowded global market. Transferring the technology necessary to enable a contractor to assemble an iPod doesn’t give this manufacturer the skills and know-how necessary to create a product that can compete with the iPod and the iTunes ecosystem Apple has built around it.

But the same may not be true of the Chinese aviation industry Boeing will increasingly be forced to partner with as it pursues a business strategy contingent on substantially lowering its cost of production. Commercial Aircraft Corp. of China has already announced ambitious plans to launch a 737 competitor by 2016, and any technology Boeing transfers to mutual suppliers and partners will only make this goal more achievable. Furthermore, with much of the anticipated growth in commercial aviation expected to take place in China itself, the Chinese government backed Comac already has a captive customer in the Chinese government backed airlines that dominate the market.

So, can Boeing successfully transition itself to an outsourced manufacturing model without losing market share to its low-wage partners? Will we eventually see a Boeing airplane stamped “Designed by Boeing in Washington. Assembled in China”…? And if Boeing does manage to leverage its innovation, engineering and design prowess to retain its position as a market leader, even while jettisoning the bulk of its manufacturing infrastructure, what will this mean for Washington state?

I don’t know. But given Boeing’s apparent eagerness to move production out of state, it sure does look like we’re eventually gonna find out.