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Goldy

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Better Dead than Fed?

by Goldy — Friday, 9/25/09, 9:13 am

The local coroner has confirmed that the federal census worker found hanged from a tree in rural Kentucky did indeed have the word “Fed” scrawled on his chest. The FBI has yet to rule the death a homicide, but considering the circumstances, not to mention the FBI’s involvement, that conclusion seems pretty obvious… as does the likelihood that this was an anti-government hate crime.

It is also obvious that with the extreme level of anti-Obama, anti-government rhetoric coming from the right since they lost last November’s election, violence like this is inevitable. Words have consequences, and those who insist on inciting the violent, teabagging hordes are at the very least morally culpable for the violence that ensues.

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County to put down Animal Control

by Goldy — Thursday, 9/24/09, 3:20 pm

Well, I guess that’s one way to address growing complaints about King County Animal Control and conditions at its Kent shelter… shut it down:

“This is a transition or evolution for regional animal care and control, not an ending,” said Executive Triplett. “We must phase out the county’s general fund support for animal control and sheltering because although protecting animals and protecting people from animals are both important, providing animal care and control as a contractor for 32 cities is neither a required nor a core business of King County, nor is it self-sufficient.”

Currently, providing animal care and control services requires $1.5 million of the county’s general fund dollars every year above the revenues collected from city contracts for those services.

“In an era where we are mothballing parks, eliminating human services programs and closing health clinics, we can no longer afford to subsidize animal care and control,” said Triplett.

Now if only King County would also get out of the business of providing roads, parks, libraries, courts, law enforcement, jails, elections, social services, buses, public safety, public health, emergency management and a few other things, we might eventually get county government down to the size where Susan Hutchison is actually qualified to run it.

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Jarrett: 86 the 40-40-20

by Goldy — Thursday, 9/24/09, 2:59 pm

Looks like I’m not the only one calling for an end to Metro’s inflexible 40/40/20 rule. Over on Crosscut, State Sen. Fred Jarrett (D-Mercer Island) echoes my complaint about the rule sacrificing efficiency for sake of political expediency:

There are a number of strategic and tactical steps Metro can take to use the crisis as an opportunity to shape the region’s future. First, the failed “20-40-40” service allocation formula must be scrapped. Originally put in place as a political way to make each region of the county feel there was some degree of equity in the allocation of service, it has instead created an artificial barrier to the county’s ability to shape regional mobility and support our growth management goals.

Meanwhile, Dow Constantine, the Democratic nominee for King County Executive released a reform plan today that also calls for the rule’s repeal. I guess great minds think a like.

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Republican Gomorrah

by Goldy — Thursday, 9/24/09, 11:45 am

repub-gomorrah-thumb-120x182-19071Investigative journalist Max Blumenthal will be at Seattle’s Town Hall tonight at 7:30 PM, 8th & Seneca, reading from his new book, Republican Gomorrah: Inside the Movement that Shattered the Party. And afterwards, Max and a bunch of us blogger types plan to go out for drinks.

Tickets are $5 at the door. Hope to see you there.

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Susan Hutchison opposes a woman’s right to reproductive freedom

by Goldy — Thursday, 9/24/09, 10:16 am

There, I said it — Susan Hutchison opposes a woman’s right to reproductive freedom — and I’ve intentionally said it as a statement of fact. Hutchison opposes reproductive rights as defined by Roe v. Wade, and supports overturning that landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision. No caveats, no prevarication, no couching the assertion as mere opinion or belief or speculation; Hutchison is anti-Choice.

And I’ll go one step further by freely admitting that I am making this statement of fact with the malicious intent of damaging Hutchison’s reputation with King County’s majority Pro-Choice voters. Now that’s a libel case in the making… assuming I’m wrong.  Which I’m not, and which is why Hutchison will never sue me for defamation, despite the fact that all she would need to do to prove me wrong is simply refute my assertion under oath.

The headline in today’s Seattle Times states that Hutchison “steers clear of abortion rights questions,” but that is an understatement to say the least. Hutchison isn’t steering clear of the question, she is lying, both to voters and to the press. It may be a lie of omission, but it is lie nonetheless, and she deserves to be publicly raked over the coals for showing such blatant disrespect for our democratic process.

(And by the way, when I say that Hutchison is lying, I mean that not as my opinion, but as a statement of fact. Susan Hutchison is a liar. And if she thinks such a blunt assertion is defamatory, well, we already know she knows how to hire an attorney, so she should feel free to sue me.)

No, it’s not Hutchison who’s been steering clear of abortion rights questions, but members of the media, who while gingerly pointing out her obfuscation, refuse to follow my lead by calling her bluff.  I mean honestly, what reasonably honest and intelligent person wouldn’t firmly conclude from Hutchison’s consistent lack of forthrightness that she opposes legal abortion, opposes your right to a legal abortion, and if elected Executive cannot be trusted to support unrestricted family planning services to low-income women at county funded health clinics?

Specifically, Mitchell said that Hutchison filled out the group’s questionnaire, but gave an incomplete response to a key question. It asked if she supported a woman’s right to reproductive freedom as defined by Roe v. Wade, Hutchison replied that she would uphold the law of the land, according to Mitchell.

Does she really think voters are that stupid, let alone members of the National Women’s Political Caucus of Washington?

“We then told her we would need a ‘yes’ or ‘no’ on that queston if she wanted an endorsement. When we made it clear that’s what was required, she declined to answer. We left on a positive note,” Mitchell said. “She didn’t say she wasn’t pro-choice but didn’t say she was, which is what we need to happen.”

Which is why Hutchison refused to answer, because she knows very well that she couldn’t possibly get the organization’s support if she honestly answered no.

Hutchison said she didn’t “want to make their litmus test an issue in this race.”

Though Hutchison has absolutely no problem with speaking openly on other litmus tests, that don’t hurt her standing with the electorate. What a dishonest, disingenuous, disrespectful liar. And she’s been lying about herself and her politics since the day she and her phony smile got into this race.

No, one’s standing on issues and one’s party affiliation don’t tell you everything you need to know about a candidate, but so-called “litmus tests” and party labels do give the average voter a good idea of whether or not the candidate generally shares their values. That’s why despite giving thousands of dollars to Republican candidates (and only Republicans), despite receiving contributions and endorsements almost exclusively from Republicans, and despite nearly running for the U.S. Senate as a Republican, Hutchison, running in an overwhelmingly Democratic county stridently refuses to acknowledge that she is a lifelong and active member of the GOP. And a member of its conservative wing at that.

That there is a large segment of voters who don’t know this is a disgrace, and that there are surely many Democrats who will cast a vote for the nice lady from TV, unaware of her conservative Republican bona fides, is a corruption of our electoral process. Whatever you may think of her as a person, and her careers in TV and philanthropy, Susan Hutchison the candidate is a lie. And it’s a lie that can only succeed in November if our local media remains complicit in their polite silence.

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Open thread

by Goldy — Wednesday, 9/23/09, 9:55 pm

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New media weirdness

by Goldy — Wednesday, 9/23/09, 10:20 am

So… former Seattle Times senior political reporter David Postman, perhaps the most respected and influential political journalistic in the state not too long ago, a man who once took umbrage at my relentless (and sometimes mean-spirited) critique of his profession, and who now pays the bills as a spokesman for Paul Allen’s Vulcan Inc., has an article up on Crosscut of all places, criticizing the never-for-profit opinion and sorta-news site for running misleading and “demonstrably false” articles about the Mercer Mess, and of course, his employer’s role in it.

Sorry about the run-on sentence, but… that’s just plain weird.

At the time Postman announced his change of careers, I quipped that if many more journalists left the profession to pursue jobs in media relations, pretty soon there wouldn’t be any media left to relate to, so it doesn’t really surprise me to see the PR/journalism ecosystem collapse to the point where PR flacks, once confined to the sphere of influencing journalists, are now directly posting newsish pieces to newsish sites in an effort to get their bosses’ message out. Sure, he and the Crosscut editors repeatedly disclaim Postman’s obvious conflict of interest, so in some ways, it’s not all that much different from a more traditional guest column or a letter to the editor, but promoted out there on the Crosscut home page with the rest of their journalistish headlines, it just doesn’t feel like a guest column or a letter to the editor. It feels, like I said, weird. I mean, this is David Postman, for chrissakes.

Not that I’m all that sure that there is anything ethically wrong with the piece, disclaimed as such, or even all that different from what I do here at HA (which I once jokingly described as a one-man, pro bono PR firm for Washington state’s progressive community). But then, unlike Crosscut, I’ve never pretended HA deserved any more inherent respect than its content merited, and I’ve certainly never enjoyed the credibility of a David Postman. And perhaps more importantly, while I congratulate Postman for wearing his bias on his sleeve and trusting readers to judge his words in that context, as I have always done, my readers have always been able to rest assured that my bias is at least my own, rather than being bought and paid for by, say, Paul Allen, while Postman’s newfound Crosscut audience… not so much. That may strike some as a subtle difference, but one which, nonetheless, gave me the willies.

To be clear, I’m not suggesting that Postman and Crosscut have done anything wrong, just that by giving him a byline, they’ve done something very, very different… so different journalistically, that it at the very least deserves a collective, reflective pause. Crosscut has long claimed to be an “online newspaper” (an oxymoron considering the intrinsic absence of paper, not to mention the dearth of, well, news), and with all the inherent perceptions and expectations that word implies. But at a traditional newspaper, Postman’s response would have been clearly published as a guest column under the byline of say, Paul Allen or some other Vulcan executive, or perhaps a pro-Mercer-fix public figure willing to serve as a surrogate. It may still have been ghostwritten by Postman — that’s a pretty damn common arrangement (hell, even I’ve ghostwritten a handful of Seattle Times guest columns over the years, and nobody’s been the wiser) — but it sure as hell wouldn’t have had Postman’s byline on it.

Why does that matter? Because by putting his name on the piece, Postman, widely known and rightly respected by the media and political establishment as one of our state’s best reporters, hasn’t just sold his employers his skills as a writer, he’s implicitly imbued his critique of Crosscut’s reporting with his own well-earned journalistic credibility. In this brave new world of media relations, where it is now both possible and preferable to skip the relations part entirely, and pump one’s unfiltered message straight into the media, Vulcan didn’t just buy themselves a capable spokesman or mere PR flack… with Postman, they bought themselves their very own journalist.

And that’s different… at least from the kind of media familiar to American consumers for much of the past century, and ironically, from the kind of media Postman used to vigorously defend. PR flacks have always been hired guns, and there’s nothing wrong with that. But when they start directly writing our news and commentary themselves, and under their own bylines, we’re looking at an entirely different kind of gunfight.

Which may or may not be a bad thing for both the media and its consumers. It’s just that coming from Crosscut and David Postman of all people, this sort of journalistic innovation (in lieu of a less neutral word) simply struck me as awfully damn weird.

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Open thread

by Goldy — Tuesday, 9/22/09, 11:46 pm

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How do you solve a problem like Maria?

by Goldy — Tuesday, 9/22/09, 10:15 am

Reading Slog’s account of Sen. Maria Cantwell’s supposed conversion on healthcare reform, it’s like deja vu all over again regarding perhaps the most enigmatic member of Washington state’s congressional delegation. First Cantwell was under attack for not taking a forceful position on the public option and other reforms, and now she’s being praised for her sudden burst of leadership.

And the conclusion?

And the bottom line for those, like Moon, who were raising a ruckus over Cantwell’s apparent wavering on the public option: the pressure worked.

Yeah, well, maybe. But this sort of scenario has played out so many times over the past few years, you’ve gotta wonder if what frequent critics consider to be her “apparent wavering,” really isn’t just an artifact of Cantwell’s methodical, deliberate and relatively effective legislative style? I mean, keeping up the political pressure doesn’t hurt, but the raft of amendments Cantwell has offered to the Baucus bill suggest that she’s been neck deep in the details for quite some time, and an active participant in the thorny, behind-closed-doors negotiations within the Senate Finance Committee.

So could it be that the type of public podium-rattling many of us progressives demand, just isn’t a good fit to Cantwell’s wonkish personality, or to the brand of quiet, insider leadership she seems to prefer? And do we make a mistake by assuming she’s less progressive than she really is?

In fact, Cantwell’s reputation as a bit of a pro-business centrist seems to be distorted by a genuine streak of pro-business centrism that fails to extend itself to nearly any other issue. Indeed when examining her voting record, you may be surprised to learn that Cantwell proves just as progressive as her more high-profile colleague, Sen. Patty Murray, and the presumably progressive stalwart Rep. Jay Inslee.  And on healthcare issues? Cantwell ranks the most progressive of the three, scoring an impressive 98.54% over her lifetime in office.

So did Cantwell cave to constituent pressure by coming out strong for the public option in the end, or did she hold steady in the face of mounting criticism from the left, by refusing to publicly say anything that might jeopardize her private negotiations?

I don’t know. But knowing how stubborn Cantwell can be, and her lack of passion for retail politics, I don’t think it’s safe to assume the former.

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A net win on net neutrality

by Goldy — Tuesday, 9/22/09, 9:08 am

Just to be clear, there are some things on which the Seattle Times editorial board and I agree, and I’m not ashamed to admit it. (Okay, maybe a little ashamed, but I’ve learned to cope.)

For those who reflexively argue that government regulation is always a bad thing, the FCC’s decision to codify the principle of net neutrality must be a bit disturbing. But those who primarily rely on the Internet to make these arguments should be quietly relieved.

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Tweet Van Dyk

by Goldy — Monday, 9/21/09, 2:37 pm

First that new-fangled blogging thing, and now Twitter? Apparently, Crosscut contributor Ted Van Dyk is a lot more hip than he seems… check out his new Twitter feed in the sidebar.

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Coulter: “All political violence is committed by the left in this country”

by Goldy — Monday, 9/21/09, 10:10 am

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7n7PKBvLmr8[/youtube]

If you’ve ever wondered why paranoid-delusional righties like the Orb get so angry and/or pants-wetting-frightened at the words of people like me, it might be because they actually believe the hateful demagoguery spewing from the likes of Ann Coulter, who may or may not have been joking when she recently absurdly claimed that “all political violence is committed by the left in this country.”

That’s right, the abortion doctor killer? A lefty. The Holocaust Museum shooter? A lefty. Timothy McVeigh? A lefty. The assassins of President Kennedy, his brother Robert, and Martin Luther King Jr., apparently, lefties all, at least, according to Coulter, who astutely points out that Harvey Milk’s killer was a Democrat. Case closed.

That’s why the same righties who passionately celebrate gun-toting teabaggers as patriotic defenders of the 2nd Amendment, soil their undies at the mere thought of self-avowed liberals publicly displaying firearms. They actually believe we’re dangerous. That’s why they’re arming themselves. To protect themselves against us.

Cowards.

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Editorial suggestion…

by Goldy — Monday, 9/21/09, 9:02 am

Perhaps, instead of incessantly railing against building light rail here in Seattle, Crosscut contributor Ted Van Dyk might want to take some time to explore the extraordinary success of light rail in his native Phoenix. I’m just sayin’.

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Shorter Ryan Blethen

by Goldy — Sunday, 9/20/09, 1:32 pm

Who’s to blame for the news industry’s crappy report card?  The Internet:

My quick take is the Internet and cable news have become places where people can easily seek out journalism that reinforces their political and world views.

Yup, because without the Internet and cable news, public trust in newspapers would be at an all time high.

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40/40/20 demonstrates the pitfalls of regional transportation planning

by Goldy — Saturday, 9/19/09, 1:01 pm

I’ve had a couple arguments in recent weeks over the merits of regional transportation governance reform, first with State Sen. Ed Murray, and more recently with Seattle Port Commission candidate Tom Albro. I’ve no reason to doubt either’s intentions, but I just can’t help but be cynical about a John Stanton/Discover Institute backed proposal that would inevitably dilute Seattle voters’ control over their own transportation planning dollars… a legitimate concern that’s perhaps best illustrated by Metro’s ass-backwards 40/40/20 rule, which dictates that 40% of new service goes into Metro’s East area, 40% into Metro’s South area, and only 20% into the Seattle-centric West area that comprises 36% of the county’s population.

The Regional Transportation Commission—chaired by Seattle Democratic King County Council member Dow Constantine but dominated by representatives of suburban cities—seems poised to formally oppose a proposal by King County Executive Kurt Triplett that would designate Metro bus service cuts as “suspensions,” rather than permanent cuts. At a meeting of the RTC on Wednesday, representatives of the suburban cities expressed support for designating the cuts as permanent.

The difference sounds semantic, but it’s actually substantive—once there’s enough money to add service again in a few years, “suspensions” would be restored at the same levels they were cut (i.e., if 10 percent of service was cut in Seattle, 10 percent of the restored hours would be in Seattle); in contrast, “cuts” would be restored according to the “40/40/20″ rule, in which suburban areas receive 80 percent of new service to Seattle’s 20 percent.

Now, I don’t question the need for regional transportation planning and cooperation; buses, trains, cars and trucks cross city and county lines, so it would be stupid for our roads and transit not to interoperate. And I don’t question either the need for suburban buses, or the fact that service to these less dense areas necessarily requires a larger subsidy per passenger mile than more crowded, and thus more cost-efficient, city routes. (The fare to expense ratio in Metro’s Seattle-centric West area was roughly 26% in 2007, compared to 14% for the East area.) But when the political compromises necessary to facilitate “regional governance” result in rigid, sub-area allocations like Metro’s 40/40/20 rule, or Sound Transit’s subarea equity provisions, it can’t help but hamper the ability of Seattle taxpayers to provide themselves the level of service they want and need.

It also can’t help but lead to the sort of petty, manipulative, subarea politicization of transportation planning decisions, such as the row above over whether the current round of bus service cuts should be labeled as “permanent” or “suspensions.” I’m all for expanding suburban service, but when you cut more cost-effective urban routes to address the current budget crisis, only to eventually replace them with less efficient suburban routes, it can only make the next budget crisis even worse. Regional governance reform advocates argue that it would make delivery of services more efficient, but that assertion simply isn’t supported by the limited regional planning we have now.

Take Sound Transit for example. From the original ballot measures in the 1990’s to 2007’s failed roads and transit measure to last year’s successful transit-only Phase 2, ST’s proposal’s have been distorted and hamstrung by its incorporation as a regional agency that encompasses tax-hike-hostile parts of Pierce and Snohomish counties which see little local benefit from building light rail in Seattle and the Eastside. But ironically, even as the suburban and exurban areas of ST’s taxing district held virtual veto power over Seattle’s ability to build light rail within its own borders, the equity provisions assured that tax dollars would only be spent in the subarea in which they were raised.

Yeah, I know, ST is much more than just the Central Link light rail, but what was the purpose of requiring Seattle to ask Pierce and Snohomish county voters for permission to tax itself to build a line from the airport to Northgate? If the fate of the Central Link had been left to voters from SeaTac to Seattle alone, would it really take over two decades to complete?

For me, that’s part of the visceral appeal of Mike McGinn’s light rail expansion proposal; it empowers Seattle voters to seize control of our own transportation planning, based on our own priorities, and without the need to politically accommodate the more road-enamored suburbs. On the other hand, if, as governance reform advocates have proposed, all planning, construction and operations were under the strict auspices of a four-county regional transportation authority, this sort of local self-determination would be nigh impossible. Voters in Pierce, Snohomish and Kitsap counties might let Seattle expand light rail into the neighborhoods, if we give them something in return. Or, they might not. Hell, it’s always politically popular to fuck Seattle.

In the end, it would be harder to argue with the inherent logic of regional transportation planning if I believed that was all that was at stake, but what we’re really talking about here — both in the microcosm of Metro’s bus cuts, and in the macrocosm of a proposed four-county, roads-and-transit RTA — is the ever more dire, and increasingly politicized competition over scarce and dwindling resources. There was a time when major transportation infrastructure projects were mostly paid for with state and federal dollars, but as this burden has been steadily shifted onto the shoulders of local taxpayers, and as local taxing capacity has gradually been eaten up by transit and other demands, the roads versus transit debate has increasingly become seen as an either/or proposition in the eyes of those who advocate for the former… especially where Seattle-area voters are part of the electoral equation.

Hamstrung by a narrow and regressive tax structure that can’t possibly keep pace with economic growth, everybody understands that there is a limit beyond which even Seattle voters won’t raise our already stratospheric sales tax, thus every tenth of a percent that goes to rail is reasonably perceived as a tenth of a percent that won’t go to roads. That’s why the pro-roads camp opposed Prop 1, and that’s why they’ll oppose any effort to give Seattle the MVET authority necessary to expand light rail into the neighborhoods: it’s tax capacity they covet for other purposes.

So when the same pro-roads/anti-rail advocates make up some of regional governance reform’s most vocal proponents, is it any wonder that I question their motives?

There should be more regional transportation planning and cooperation, and in the end a multi-county RTA does make sense if your goal is to efficiently plan, deliver and operate an integrated, multimodal transportation system.  But only if there are sufficient revenue resources to meet the task at hand. Otherwise we just end up exacerbating the same sort of roads vs transit, suburbs vs city, subarea vs subarea political infighting that already hobbles our transportation planning efforts today.

And we’ll never get the level of regional cooperation we truly need, until we change the way we finance transportation construction, maintenance and operations in Washington state, and ultimately restructure our unfair and inadequate tax system as a whole.

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